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Not to know where your child is, and whether she is OK, is the worst feeling a mother can have. She had been raped and strangled. A police investigation quickly identified a suspect: Ali Bashar, a twenty-one-year-old resident of a nearby shelter for refugees. The more details emerged about him, the more it looked as though the authorities had committed a remarkable string of blunders.
Hundreds of people are murdered in Germany every year.
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Far-right parties hailed her as a martyr. And conditions were already fraught.
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Support for Merkel had rapidly weakened, and, in October, in part to avert rebellion within her own party, the Christian Democratic Union, she resigned as its chair and promised to step down as Chancellor by the next general election. Was her decision, in the summer of , to open the border to a million refugees the noble embodiment of a liberal and self-confident Germany, or did it sow the seeds of communal strife and precipitate the rise of the far right?
Is her cautious, reasoned style of politics what Germany needs in order to weather the growing tumult, or has it papered over problems that its citizens must urgently confront?
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Susanna Feldmann has, in her death, been swept up in a grand argument about the lingering effects of the refugee crisis and the future of the country. One of the refugees pulled out a knife and stabbed a carpenter named Daniel Hillig five times. In a video that galvanized the nation, neo-Nazi agitators appear to chase passersby whom they deem to look foreign.
Eight thousand far-right protesters were marching through the city center, filling its thoroughfares with a steady stream of anger. A few hundred yards away, at a park ringed by socialist-style housing projects, a much smaller group of counter-protesters was assembled for a concert celebrating diversity. Between the two, scores of policemen, on foot, in vans, and on horseback, formed a buffer that seemed perilously fragile. Walking through the streets of Chemnitz, I saw few signs of ordinary life. Tram and bus service had been suspended.
Shops were closed.
How a Teen’s Death Has Become a Political Weapon
Large areas were deserted. In contrast to the earlier protests, the political theatre I witnessed felt carefully choreographed. The police were on a mission to show they were in control. The right sought to match its own dominance of public space with a demonstration of discipline.
Chemnitz had suffered from a serious image problem even before the most recent bout of negative headlines. Unemployment skyrocketed. As dislocation bred dysfunction, gangs of neo-Nazis roamed the city. It was during this last period that Benjamin Jahn Zschocke first got drawn into activism.
In the nineteen-nineties, when he was a teen-ager in Chemnitz, he briefly joined an anti-fascist group. In time, though, Zschocke came to see the influx of foreigners as a dire threat to his home town, and he drifted right, rising to be a key leader of the local ultranationalist scene. I wondered whether he favored a new border between east and west. This was one of the main tasks for Pro Chemnitz, an amorphous political movement that he had helped found; having won a sizable presence on the city council in recent elections, the association is now one of the key groups mobilizing local residents to protest refugees.
Germany does not record the ethnicity or immigration status of offenders in a systematic way, and most of the available evidence suggests that refugees are not, in general, more likely to commit crimes than others of their age cohort. Intent on depicting the new arrivals as criminal marauders, movements like Pro Chemnitz have eagerly seized on high-profile stories about radicalized refugees, like a Syrian who, in , was discovered to have plotted to bomb an airport in Berlin. But stories that involve sexual violence, like that of Susanna Feldmann, resonate especially strongly.
Police sirens cut through the genteel calm inside the Chemnitzer Hof. I asked Zschocke when he would be heading over to the rally he had helped organize. Flashing a sly smile, he shook his head. But, that afternoon, the other side was far more numerous. Some bore the insignia of various neo-Nazi groups.
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A few I recognized as leaders of the AfD. At the front of the march, a man was carrying a large poster of a teen-ager with a round face, dark eyes, and a melancholy smile. He was supposed to discuss rules of procedure. Instead, he called for a minute of silence to commemorate Susanna. Claudia Roth, the acting speaker of the Bundestag at the time of the session, took Seitz to task for this rare breach of protocol.
Seated just above him, in a yellow blouse and a blue jacket, she curtly asked him to stick to the agenda. When Seitz did not respond, and his Party colleagues remained standing in silence, she told him to vacate the podium. Almost immediately, the attacks began. I was scheduled to talk to Roth over an afternoon coffee in Augsburg, her constituency in the conservative heart of Bavaria, but, a few days beforehand, she extended another invitation to me: might I like to accompany her to a klezmer concert at the local synagogue to mark the Jewish New Year?
A real chance for our democracy. Her father had hoped to study music in France. Instead, he was drafted into the Wehrmacht, and first visited the country of his dreams as a conqueror.
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Her mother, desperate to avoid being drafted as a battlefield nurse, embarked on a career as a teacher. After the war, both were intent on reckoning with the past.
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When Claudia was little, her parents took her to see the Dachau concentration camp. The wave of migrants and several terror attacks have spurred the rise of the anti-immigrant Alternative for Germany party AfD as well as a spike in anti-Muslim attacks, such as an arson attack on a Turkish restaurant in Chemnitz in September. Understanding this, the series seems careful to present Turks as long-suffering yet good-hearted. At times, Dogs of Berlin almost reads as an apology, from liberal-minded Germans to their Turkish compatriots. Consider Orkan Erdem, the murdered footballer.
Some have compared Erdem to Burak Karan , a German Turkish footballer who ended his playing career at age 20, in Five years later he turned up dead in Syria. And yet even he dealt with discrimination. In the letter he posted on Twitter to announce his quitting, he cited racism and disrespect. He went on to admit that his loyalties were at times torn.
Yet, in none of them is he wearing his Germany jersey. Grimmer pushes back.
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