Gay guy hires gay escort in Natal Brazil and records it

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The next chapter will provide further insights into the ethnographic context and the methods used to carry out this project. I noticed, however, that there were important generational differences, as these women were, for the most part, in their thirties, forties, or fifties. Young women in their teens or twenties tended to imagine a very different future for themselves; fuelled by images of a global youth in which consumption, money and mobility were central, they identified more strongly as consumers, rather than as workers as their mothers had.

Younger women described factory work as slave work, and commented on the meagre wages and exploitative conditions their mothers faced in the factories that employed them. They often aspired to a different life, talking about Cascavel in negative terms and commenting on the lack of possibilities in their hometown. Some of them frequented the beach towns not too distant from Cascavel, hoping to work in the tourism industry, and at times expressed their desire to live in Europe or North America.

I could easily imagine some of the young women I had spoken to in Cascavel as transitioning into sex tourism rather than following the lead of their mothers into factory work. I decided that I would study sex tourism, in line with my previous work on migrant factory workers. Thus, I initially conceptualized the project in terms of labour, and located my study within the richly textured scholarship on sex work that had emerged in the last few decades.

I was particularly interested in the efforts of scholars and sex workers who challenge misguided preconceptions about sex work as a pathological activity and who situate sex work as a form of labour that has shifted historically and geographically e. Scholars of sex tourism commonly locate their work within this scholarship, considering global sex work as mediated by global forces of production and consumption Kempadoo ; Wonders and Michalowski In this dissertation, I connect the scholarship on sex work as a form of labour with the insights of feminist scholars linking the affective to the economic e.

Cabezas I prefer to use the term garota s de programa and its colloquial diminutive, garota s , in its original language, given that a it bears a slightly different meaning than prostituta prostitute or profissional do sexo sex worker , b it does not have an equivalent in English, and c it was the term most commonly used by the women themselves.

I will discuss the ways in which women make distinction between garotas de programa and profissional do sexo in Chapter 5. Bloch proposes a slightly different interpretation of strategic intimacy, closer to the meanings I intend to convey here. She uses the term to describe the practices of low-income post-Soviet women who are marginalized in Turkey as undocumented labour migrants, and who negotiate various forms of intimacy to secure more than favourable prices.

These labour migrants have long-term aims; they seek to secure longer stays in Turkey through forms of intimacy blurring instrumentality and emotion. This concept is at the core of my discussion in Chapter 6, in which I engage the intimate practices of women courting or marrying foreigners in attempts to secure their future. Affect, Gender and Mobility My thesis takes up themes central to feminist ethnography more broadly, specifically insights into the intersections of affect, gender, and mobility in a world characterized by intensifying processes of global capitalism, contributing to a growing body of scholarship e.

My interest also lies in understanding love beyond its performative aspects, in order to consider how it operates as a form of affect that, to paraphrase Cheng, mediates, rather than erases, power differentials I thus hypothesize that intimacy with foreign men on the part of young, mixed-race or black Brazilian women may be a catalyst to express discontent with their social locations and with the forms of power structuring their life see also Cheng ; Faier ; Schaeffer-Grabiel I also draw on the work of feminist ethnographers who have documented how women re make themselves as modern subjects through transnational love Constable ; Cheng ; Schaeffer-Grabiel Thus, if Brazilian women essentialize Brazilian men as macho and reify foreign men as gentlemen, it is because they are critical of the local patriarchal order and see in foreign men, signs of cultural capital and mobility Bourdieu ; Kelsky These women are invested in various forms of affective labour and ambiguous intimacies rooted in projects of mobility, citizenship and capital.

Affect here is not meant to denote what scholars elsewhere discuss as an unmediated and prediscursive form of embodied power e. Gringo love is thus a new form of affect that is discursive, embodied, and grounded in material relations.

I also draw inspiration from the work of Cabezas and Zelizer , and consider the ways in which spheres that are usually understood as separated come together in sex tourism. Ortner In this scholarship, affect is commonly understood as bodily experiences that are not yet coded or as sensations that are not mediated by discourses or narratives Massumi ; Beasley-Murray Emotion is thus distinguished from affect, as it is seen as discursively produced and representable.

Yet, not all agree that affect, as a modality of power in late capitalism, is unmediated, pre-discursive, or forms of experience not yet coded. Thus, there is no consensus on whether affect is unmediated. In any case, my aim here is not to discuss affect as a new modality of power in late capitalism, but instead to engage the ways in which new forms of affect are constituted in sex tourism.

White ; Zelizer If I am highlighting these binaries, it is because they remain particularly entrenched in Western thought. And yet, as we shall see, both Brazilian women and foreign men also disrupt these binaries in unique ways. Spatializing Ponta Negra Anthropologists have also argued that borders and contact zones Pratt are simultaneously spaces of exploitation and opportunities, and they have pointed to the ways in which those moving across borders or engaging transnational spaces negotiate and mediate new forms of powers while encountering new prospects Brennan ; Padilla Ponta Negra fits with this image of a sexscape; predominantly mixed-race or black, impoverished, young, Brazilian women engage in commodified sex with predominantly white, European and few North American men, wealthy enough to travel to Brazil.

In other words, while Ponta Negra has become a sexscape of sorts Brennan , it could also be characterized as a marriage-scape Constable As Constable proposes: such marriages are especially interesting because they do not represent a global free-for-all in which all combinations — regardless of class, nationality, ethnicity, or gender, for example — are possible. Rather, they form marriage-scapes that are shaped and limited by existing and emerging cultural, social, historical, and political-economic factors.

Drawing on Constable and Brennan, I thus consider Ponta Negra as both a sex-scape and a marriage-scape, and I analyze the global processes that participate in their production. Ponta Negra is also the site of many spatial tensions. I draw inspiration from anthropologists who consider spaces not as given but as the product of social relations and thus, as constantly in the process of being made and remade e. Gupta and Ferguson ; Gordillo ; These scholars have shown that conflicts, contradictions, and political processes participate in the production of place and that it is through spatial practices that these tensions become articulated.

Drawing on his insights, I pay attention to both everyday spatial practices and embodied habits that structure Brazilian social relations and that are re produced in the context of sex tourism. Gaston Gordillo proposes that places are always constructed in opposition to other geographies — whether these are real, imagined, or remembered ; This is another lens through which we can grasp Ponta Negra spatially. Gordillo argues that the 14 Toba in the Argentinean Chaco inscribed wealth to their past work in sugar plantations and poverty to their present-day foraging practices in the bush.

This is further complicated by the feeling of estrangement that accompanied their memory of the sugar plantations, and the sense of control they experience in their current foraging practices in the bush.

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The women I interviewed spoke about their lives in deeply spatialized terms and used expressions that bespeak the spatiality of their experiences and that reveal the contradictions to which Gordillo alludes. This formulation alludes to a sense of estrangement they experience in their daily lives. In the next chapter, I introduce the research setting and discuss the methods used in this project.

I first consider the ways in which Brazil has been imagined as a tropical paradise, an aspect that significantly shapes the fields of power in which Brazilian women in Ponta Negra operate. I then consider the complex notion of race in Brazil and engage readers with the specificities of race in my field site. I also briefly examine tourism development in the Northeast of Brazil, before finally turning to a discussion of my methodological approaches.

In Chapter 2, I engage with the scholarship on sex tourism and suggest that studies of sex tourism need to emphasize further the ambiguous nature of sex tourism. I begin with a critical examination of the concept of sex tourism, suggesting that sex tourism remains an important analytical tool, albeit one fraught with conceptual problems and limitations. Drawing on my ethnographic materials, I examine how affective and monetary relations intersect in Ponta Negra, and I challenge common understandings of sex tourism as exclusively synonymous with paid prostitution in tourism. The chapter uncovers how the street march and other campaigns against sex tourism in Natal are entangled in local micro-politics and its regional, national, and international articulations.

Facing mounting international pressures especially from the United States to take anti- trafficking measures, Brazil adopted a tougher stance on sex tourism. In Natal, like in other locations, this translated into the conflation of sex tourism with both the sexual exploitation of minors and sex trafficking. I argue that these exclusionary spatial practices reveal middle class anxieties over the social mobility of mixed-race or black working class women.

UBC Theses and Dissertations

These campaigns, I suggest, have had the effect of further entrenching the marginalization of the women they were meant to rescue: the predominantly impoverished, black or mixed-race women, who engage in commercial sex with foreigners. As the symbol of the white, giant phallus sculpture reveals, they are also predicated upon anxieties over the potential threat of neo-colonization, globalization, and mass tourism. I suggest that there is more than imperialism to the form of collective, western masculinity enacted in Ponta Negra.

This chapter also documents the co-construction of idealized otherness between European men and Brazilian women, and points to how Brazilian women imagine foreigners as gringo not macho like Brazilian men and read in them signs of cultural capital and social mobility.

UBC Theses and Dissertations

In Chapter 5, I propose that women in Ponta Negra are engaged in various practices of distinction that result from the tension between the stigma associated with sex with foreigners, and the potential for social mobility that comes with it. While their engagements with foreigners may be a site for further marginalization, they may also potentially pave the way to achieve cultural capital and social mobility. This is not without paradoxes and tensions, as women negotiate ways to signal both their sexual availability and respectability. Thus I explore the various processes of dis identifications and distinction women rely on in order to establish their respectability and negotiate ascriptions of stigma.

Yet these processes are more than attempts to resist stigmatization — albeit certainly serving that aim too. Femininity is thus a form of embodied capital, one of the few resources women have at their disposal Skeggs ; Indeed, it was often times in the name of love that women made the decision to move across transnational borders. In this last chapter, I seek to make three main interrelated arguments.

I draw 19 on the work of feminist anthropologists who have documented how women re make themselves as modern subjects through transnational love Constable ; Cheng ; Schaeffer-Grabiel Finally, I hypothesize that intimacies with foreign men may also be a catalyst to express discontent with their social locations. Although couched in a language that essentializes all Brazilian men as machos, the appeal of western foreigners reveals a profound sense of dissatisfaction with the patriarchal state and with the organization of gender, race, and class relations.

But it the city of pleasure is also the result of practices of social spatialization by its social actors. I thus now turn to the research setting, starting with the ways in which Brazil has been imagined as a tropical paradise, with important implications for the ways in which Brazilian women are in turn imagined within and outside the nation. I then engage the question of race in Brazil and Natal, before turning to tourism development in Brazil, and the production of Natal as a city of pleasure. I finally shift to a discussion of my fieldwork, methodological approaches, and ethical considerations as I researched sex tourism in Ponta Negra.

In what follows, I explore the trope of Brazil 21 as a tropical paradise and the ways in which its women have occupied a particular space in imagining this new Eden on Earth throughout various historical periods. His scribe, Pero Vaz the Caminha, sent a missive to the Portuguese monarch Dom Manuel in which he described Brazil as a tropical paradise, an Edenic vision of Brazil that would be long-lasting.

In the letter, the scribe Caminha provided detailed descriptions not only of this newfound land, but also of its inhabitants. He was especially fascinated by the innocence and nakedness of the Native, especially the women: There walked among them three or four maidens, young and gracious, with very black, shoulder length hair, and their shameful parts so high, so tight, and so free of hair that, though we looked at them well, we felt no shame.

And one of those maidens was completely dyed, both below and above her waist, and surely was so well made up and so round, and her shameful part that had no shame so gracious, that many women of our land seeing her countenance, will feel shame in not having theirs like hers cited in Parker Painters, writers, and colonizers were captivated by what they described as the sexual promiscuity of the Natives, their nakedness, lack of pubic hair, and apparent absence of incest taboo Parker Even at a very young age they have contact with women, because the old women, not highly valued by the men, attract these boys, offering them gifts and favors, and teach them to do what they do not know, and do not leave them by day or night.

These heathens are so lustful that seldom do they have respect for sisters and aunts, and as this sin goes against their customs, they sleep with them in the forest, and some with their own daughter; and they do not content themselves with a single woman, but have many, as is indicated by the fact that many die worn out.

And in conversation, they know of nothing to speak about except these filthy acts, which they commit constantly cited in Parker During the 17 th century, these representations were revived by the Dutch when they occupied almost half of Brazil between and Sadlier Painters, poets, and novelists depicted the natural wealth of Brazil, its fauna and flora and eventually the gold diamonds found in the backland of what came to be known as Minais Gerais General Mines at the end of the 17 th century.

The image of Brazil as a tropical Eldorado contrasted with portrayals of the harsh treatment African slaves received while working on mines and sugar plantations — representations that lasted well into the 18th and 19 th centuries.

In the late 19 th and early 20 th centuries, earlier representations of Brazil as a tropical paradise were revived by various Brazilian intellectuals as they sought to make sense of their identity as Brazilians in the aftermath of both the abolition of slavery in 23 and the independence of the Republic in In the early 20 th century, while theories of racial purity had found much resonance in Europe and North America, especially with the Eugenics movement, the intellectual elites of Brazil expressed ambivalence toward the racially mixed populations that composed most of Brazil.

Embranquecimento, or the whitening ideology, was adopted in Brazil as a means to solve the problems posed by newly freed African slaves and by a predominantly mixed-race population. A drastically different position, however, was presented by Gilberto Freyre and soon became extremely influential in Brazil.

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