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International human rights pressure greatly contributed to the pressure for Talisman to leave Sudan. Chief Executive Officer CEO Jim Buckee said, "Talisman's shares continue to be discounted based on perceived political risk in-country and in North America to a degree that was unacceptable for 12 percent of our production. Without the pipeline, the oilfields in Block 5A would have remained as Chevron left them, undeveloped, attracting little military attention.
Block 5A was an area the government had long ago conceded to the rebels, as of no strategic interest and having a particularly difficult, swampy environment; but with the GNPOC pipeline completed only a short distance away, it became economically feasible, gained strategic importance, and became a military priority for the government.
IPC or Lundin , the lead partner, held Lundin also owned 10 percent of Arakis' stock. Lundin estimated there were million barrels in reserve in Block 5A, but nothing has been produced so far from the concession.
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Lundin's explorations in Block 5A were suspended twice due to insecurity, last in January In order to control the production of oil, the unelected government of Jafa'ar Nimeiri adopted a two-pronged strategy, division and displacement of the southern population. It has taken almost two decades and various governments to develop and refine this strategy, but the division and displacement strategy has accomplished what direct military action from the central government alone could never achieve: clear control of certain oil areas in southern Sudan.
The political tactic was to conceal the hand of the government by encouraging government proxies-land-hungry neighbors-to attack the agro-pastoralists of the oilfields. With the population thinned out, the government could erect a "cordon sanitaire" around the producing areas in Blocks 1, 2, 4 and 5A for foreign oil companies to exploit in peace and security-while those who had lived for generations on the land were robbed of their peace, security, homes, animals, crops, families, and often their lives.
In the s, the government of dictator Nimeiri and then the elected government of Prime Minister Sadiq al Mahdi of the Umma Party armed militias of the Baggara, Arabic-speaking cattle-owning nomads, to drive southerners from their own land, in particular the Nuer and Dinka ethnic groups to the south and east of the Baggara, steadily clearing out Blocks 1, 2, and 4 for oil development.
The north-south border drawn by the British cuts through Blocks 2 and 4. Government soldiers in trucks later came through, with equal brutality and greater thoroughness, to erect garrisons and stay, occupying the land and preventing most of those displaced from returning. Inside Block 4, west of Bentiu, and probably not far from what later became an oilfield, there were schools attended by hundreds of Leek Nuer children in , according to a man who then served as school administrator.
The school administrator said:. The schools the administrator was managing closed from until because the Baggara raiders destroyed them. Whole communities fled; many families were separated. In addition to deploying the army and Baggara militia to protect the oilfields, the Sudanese government also implemented a strategy of dividing southerners and buying off those occupying strategic territory.
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It cultivated Cmdr. Paulino Matiep's role was to become ever more important in the years that followed. Riek Machar Teny Dhurgon. The Nuer were the key ethnic group as far as oil development was concerned. Nuer territory extended to most of the Muglad and Melut basins, with Dinka being the second largest ethnic group in the southern oilfield regions. In , Riek Machar and one other commander signed a Political Charter with the government. The Khartoum Peace Agreement provided for a referendum on self-determination, a widely-held southern aspiration.
But the referendum was to be held four years after conditions were right, and has not been held to date. Instead, the Nuer became victims of extensive displacement at the hands of their government "allies.
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The Khartoum Peace Agreement of was what the government needed to show foreign oil investors. It supposedly put an end to the war that had driven Chevron away; it provided African "ex-rebel leaders" to meet with and to assure oil investors that Chevron's bad experience would not be repeated; and it supplied ex-rebel forces with arms and ammunition to brush away the rebel "remnants" who might venture too close to the oilfields. But the northern-based government fundamentally mistrusted southerners. It would neither rely on southerners as firm allies nor allow them to grow too powerful.
It directly provisioned various smaller Nuer commanders, thus winning them away from Riek Machar's forces.
In addition, the government issued renewed calls to students and others in the north to join militias known as "Popular Defence Forces" PDF , including one known as the "Protectors of the Oil Brigade," that it then deployed to the oil areas of the south. When the pro-government Nuer militia of Paulino Matiep began attacks in late into the territory of Riek Machar, supposedly a government ally, the government publicly dismissed the fighting as "tribal clashes.
But the government did not lift a finger to stop it. The government itself promoted the myth of the "ungovernable south" sure to plunge into anarchy that would end in a "Rwanda" scenario, unless there was steady oversight from Khartoum. The strategy of fielding southern forces as its proxies was a government attempt to evade accountability for its actions.
The creation and nurturing of southern proxies also helped to prevent unification of the southern political and military forces opposing the government. The government's ethnic divide and displace strategy was especially devastating for the Nuer: it encouraged and armed them to fight each other in scorched earth campaigns-at home. They were skilled in familiar terrain, as the government troops were not, at lightning raids conducted regardless of the harsh geography and weather, including during the wet season when government troops, vehicle-bound, could not engage.
With heightened development interest in Block 5A, as Talisman was completing the pipeline to the Red Sea in , the strategy of arming southern proxies to fight the war became even more important to the government. The Block 5A oilfields did not border the Baggara or the north-south divide; they were deep inside the south where rivers traditionally barred the advance of the Baggara militias on horseback. The government's proxy for clearing those Nuer-populated oilfields therefore would have to be Nuer.
But Riek Machar's forces, instead of cooperating with the government, challenged the government's right to control the Block 5A oilfields. First, Riek Machar tried negotiations. In February , Sudan's minister of defense met him, and insisted that Sudanese army forces must guard the oilfields, including Lundin in Block 5A. Riek Machar disagreed, insisting that his forces had guarded Lundin since and should continue.
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There was no agreement, however. Within days, a campaign of forced displacement from the Block 5A oilfields had started up again, in which the government army, government-backed Paulino Matiep's Nuer militia, and northern militia all participated. It ranged through Block 5A, chasing the Macharforces-which had run out of ammunition-and Nuer civilians out of the area to Dinka land in the west or to other Nuer areas to the south and east. In , the Sudanese army also began operations to displace civilians remaining in and around an oilfield area north of Bentiu. Beginning May 9, , the army launched an offensive against Dinka villages in Ruweng County, in eastern Blocks 1 and 5A.
The attack was an all-out effort by the Sudanese government. It first used Antonov bombers and helicopter gunships and then tanks and armored personnel carriers backed by militia and army soldiers from garrisons at Liri in the Nuba Mountains and Pariang in Block 1. He launched two attacks to roll back government forces in Block 5A, but by August his forces were again pushed back. The government militia and forces ran over the same small towns and villages three times, repeatedly displacing civilians. As the numbers of displaced rose, the government tightened the noose by refusing relief access to their places of refuge until tremendous international pressure was brought to bear.
The commanders were also dissatisfied with the role of Riek Machar in cooperating with the government despite the government's refusal to give his forces the right to control the oilfields, and its refusal to honor the Khartoum Peace Agreement. This left the government with far fewer Nuer troops to front for it there. In response, the government initiated a heightened drive to recruit more young "volunteers" from universities for the more reliable, Islamist-inspired militias. Just when it seemed that there was a chance that Nuer rebels opposed to the government would gain unity under the UMCC, however, Riek Machar resigned from the government and returned to the southern rebel area.
His personal maneuvers in exile to retain a significant political and military role in the affairs of Sudan played straight into the hands of the government. Their actions included impeding the construction of the oil roads for Blocks 5A and 4, which were guarded by the government troops and the Paulino Matiep militia. But in April , the Sudanese government launched a new offensive supported by hundreds of muraheleen Baggara militia on horseback.
Backed by artillery, gunships, and Antonov bombers, they advanced into Block 4. Another government force advanced from Bentiu south to their military stronghold at the Block 5A oil exploration site at Thar Jath Ryer.