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Mutual Subject-Discovery in Syrian Encounters

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Let's Go Swimming on Doomsday book. As of the summer of , nearly half the entire population of Syria is displaced; and in Syria and Iraq together, there are now some 14 million people in need of humanitarian assistance.

There are now nearly two million Syrians in Turkey, more than a million in Lebanon where they are now one of every five people , more than a half million in Jordan, and more than one hundred thousand in Egypt. With their situation increasingly precarious in these countries, many Syrians have died trying to get to Europe. Those remaining in the Middle East have increasingly been forced to put their children to work on the street to get what money they can to survive.

Among the more poignant stories we encountered in Lebanon in was that of Wafa Hamakurdi, a woman from Aleppo whose family had taken refuge in Shatila, the extremely poor, decades-old Palestinian refugee camp in south Beirut. They had gone to Shatila not because they are Palestinian—they are not—but because it was the only place they could afford.

Two years hence, she says, her husband is still unable to work because he fears being caught by the Lebanese authorities. Recently, after her two daughters, fourteen and seventeen, were harassed, they moved to another poor neighborhood in south Beirut. Her three older sons, fifteen, twenty-two, and twenty-three, have dropped out of school and university to support the family; her youngest son, who is ten, has been unable to find a place in school, because there were too many Syrian students.

With Lebanon, Jordan, and Turkey unable or unwilling to absorb more Syrians, pressure has grown on wealthy Western countries to do more. In the spring and summer of , a huge wave of Syrians began setting out in rubber dinghies from the Turkish coast to the Greek islands, where they hoped to transit onward to northern Europe and apply for asylum; more than 50, arrived in Greece in the month of July alone.

In August, fearing an uncontrolled humanitarian crisis in Europe itself, Germany announced it was prepared to take in a record , asylum seekers this year. However, many other countries have been reluctant to follow suit, and have instead been defending their borders. Among those have who managed—often through dangerous negotiations with smugglers—to reach Europe was Ahmet Nassan, the physician we met in Gaziantep, Turkey in We tracked him down in Dortmund, Germany, where he is looking for work. But he is completely cut off from his family. His mother and sister and her two young children remain in Turkey, while his daughter and ex-wife are still in Syria, where he has not heard from them since the first year of the conflict.

His brother-in-law was killed by a bomb in Syria. This was an important strategic victory in the US-led campaign against the Islamic State. But despite pledges by Kurdish leaders to allow some 20, refugees—many of them Sunni Arabs and Turkmen—to return, few have been able to do so. With the war now in its fifth year and Western governments preoccupied by fears of jihadists striking on their own soil, it is hard for humanitarian organizations even to make the case for Syrians in need. And in early August, facing severe budget shortfalls, the World Food Program cut food assistance by half to some , refugees in Jordan.

Through a Chain Link Fence

A few weeks earlier, at a hearing on Syrian refugees in the U. Congress, legislators from both parties raised concerns that terrorists would use the refugee system to gain access to the United States. The U. Copyright by Hugh Eakin. Many are grateful to be taken in but also fearful of being kicked out. I ate Syrian-style falafels—flat disks with holes in the center—in a restaurant that was an informal resource center for refugees. But strangely, it was license plates that most made me feel like the nickname was appropriate.

On one block, in a neighborhood near the university where many Syrians have moved, I counted that eight out of nine parked cars had Syrian plates. The block after that, and the next one after that, were similar. Suddenly I could picture thousands of them, overflowing with people and suitcases like a photo one refugee showed me of his own car, as they drove across the border to safety in Turkey. Gaziantep, Turkey, and Aleppo, Syria, have been close for a long time. They are geographically near; during the Ottoman Empire, they were even part of the same province.

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Before the war started in Syria, it only took about two hours to drive from one to the other, closer than either city is to its respective capital. Even after the war started, but before it came to Aleppo, there was a lot of trade between the two cities, both regional business centers.

The two are culturally close, too. Cross-border marriages are common, and many families have relatives in both countries. Refugees told me about Turkish friends and relatives who helped them with everything from starting businesses to finding apartments. He showed me a binder, filled with the resumes of roughly 60 Turkish-educated Syrian doctors, for whom he was trying to find jobs. I asked a university student-turned-housepainter how long he was planning to stay.

His answer? But I also wonder how long Turkey—both officially and personally—will continue to feel so hospitable.

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Suphi Atan, the foreign ministry official responsible for the odd refugee camps Turkey has built for Syrians, said that the best scenario at this point is to start helping the Syrians in Syria. And even Turkey acknowledges there are tens of thousands of Syrians in camps on the Syrian side of the border. They fled Syria with their two children four months ago, leaving their apartment and most of their possessions behind.

But when friends or family visit from Syria, they ask for ground coffee.

They moved to Gaziantep, to that neighborhood near the university where I saw so many Syrian license plates. Although they have reconnected with many old friends from Syria, the lives of Hamdawi and Hajirabi are completely different from before. That kitchen was like a small house.

The kitchen in their current apartment—which had been built as student housing—is really more like a kitchen corner. It has a cabinet and a sink. The refrigerator is the size of a hotel mini-bar and the stove is a two burner hotplate squeezed onto a bit of counter.

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The children sleep on twin beds in one corner of the living room. They both fell asleep on the couch while we were talking late one evening. In Syria, their apartment was air-conditioned; here a fan whirs endlessly in front of the open window. The big, 3-D TV they had—Hamdawi loves new technology—has been replaced by a small old-fashioned one. Still, they feel safe in Turkey, where there are no bombs, no snipers and no random arrests. Their daughter, Lama, is in second grade at a special school for Syrian refugees. Her favorite subject is English—she pulled out her English notebook and read the exercises to me.

In Syria, he owned two businesses: a sleek computer and TV store, and a pharmaceutical distribution company. A few weeks ago, he and a Syrian friend opened a tiny shop in downtown Gaziantep, where they sell computers and cell phones to a mostly Syrian clientele.

But unlike his big shop in Syria, where he had people working for him, he and his partner do all the work themselves:. He and his wife would like to go home, eventually, but they know it will be years before that can happen, if it ever does. In early June , some three months into the uprising against the regime of Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad, Syrian government forces began preparing for a large-scale assault on Jisr al-Shughour, a rebellious border town sixty-five miles southwest of Aleppo.

The events that led to this operation are a matter of some dispute. At his funeral the next day, thousands of mourners marched to a post office where security forces were gathered. According to eyewitnesses, government snipers on top of the building began shooting at the crowd, while more troops arrived to back them up. What is certain is that an exceptionally violent confrontation took place.

Aleppo After the Fall

They started shooting. With her six children, then aged six to seventeen, she had escaped from her farm near Jisr al-Shughour across the border to Turkey, where she was staying with relatives. It was also one of the first occasions that large numbers of Syrians were forced to flee to a neighboring country. At the time, the Turkish government had not yet endorsed the Syrian opposition; it had spent the previous decade building economic and political ties with the Assad regime and still hoped for a negotiated solution to the uprising.

But Turkey is a Sunni country whose current leadership has Islamist sympathies. The refugees who left for Turkey soon became the first links in a crucial supply chain for the rebel cause. In July , a few weeks after we met Lajia and other Syrians in the border region of Hatay province, a group of military defectors among them announced the founding of the Free Syrian Army FSA , dedicated to the armed overthrow of Assad.

Introduction

Since the summer of , what happened in Jisr al-Shughour has been repeated in villages and towns all over Syria, with far-reaching consequences on almost every side of its 1,mile-long perimeter. The country had a population of Along with the FSA, which is favored by the U. Notably, the Turkish government has not impeded the activity of the al-Nusra Front, an al-Qaeda-linked rebel group that has been designated a terrorist organization by the United States and the UN Security Council.

In Jordan, a far smaller and more fragile country, the arrival of an even greater number of Syrians has raised fears that refugees could bring instability or encourage jihadism among Jordanians themselves. In recent months, the Jordanian government has clamped down on its refugee population while quietly allowing the United States to build up a military presence to protect its border with Syria. And then there is Lebanon.

A tiny, fractious country of about four million people when the Syrian uprising began, the Lebanese Republic has large populations of Sunnis, Shias, and Christians, and especially intricate ties to Syria, which surrounds all of its northern and most of its long eastern borders. According to the government, it has now received well over a million Syrians, most of them within the last twelve months; soon, nearly one in four people in Lebanon will be Syrian.

A large majority of the refugees are Sunni Muslims and many Lebanese Sunnis strongly support the Syrian opposition.

Yet Hezbollah, the powerful Shia group that controls significant parts of Lebanon, has been fighting in Syria on the side of the Assad regime. Since early June , when Hezbollah fighters vanquished rebel forces in the Syrian border town of al-Qusayr, there have been a series of bombings and kidnappings targeting Shia areas of Lebanon, including in Beirut itself.

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