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Meanwhile, throughout police raided saunas, night clubs, hotel rooms, hair salons, and private homes on suspicion that LGBT people were inside. The vitriolic anti-LGBT rhetoric from public officials that began in early effectively granted social sanction and political cover to violence and discrimination—carried out by both citizen vigilantes and state authorities. The unabated stream of hateful anti-LGBT messaging from government officials and institutions has also contributed to a public health crisis. Most new HIV infections in Indonesia occur through heterosexual transmission.
Abusive and discriminatory police actions including raids on private spaces and the use of condoms as evidence of purported crimes has harmed HIV education and outreach services by instilling fear among sexual and gender minority communities who urgently need such services.
HIV prevalence among transgender women waria was reported at 22 percent in and The crisis is also isolating Indonesia from its neighbors and attracting broader international opprobrium. In July , Indonesia indicated that it would reject all recommendations aimed to protect the rights of LGBT people at its Universal Periodic Review UPR , the process in which every United Nations member state has its human rights record reviewed every four years.
It also committed to implement the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, and give priority to equality and nondiscrimination—including for LGBT people.
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Government health authorities have made similar pledges to eliminate human rights-based barriers to equitable access to HIV services. As a first step, the police should halt all raids on private spaces, investigate those that have taken place, and punish the perpetrators and their chain of command. Police should instead be instructed to protect gatherings of sexual and gender minorities from attack by vigilantes and militant Islamist groups.
The courage to confront the anti-LGBT moral panic should come from the highest ranks of Indonesian government. Human Rights Watch conducted research for this report throughout , including 48 in-depth interviews with sexual and gender minorities, HIV outreach workers, and human rights activists in Java, including in the cities of Jakarta, Surabaya, Bogor, and Yogyakarta; in Kalimantan, including in Banjarmasin, Pontianak, Amuntai, and Barabai; and in Sumatra, including in Medan.
In some cases, we have withheld the location of interviews and other potentially identifying characteristics of interviewees for security purposes. Interviews were conducted in English and in Bahasa Indonesia, with simultaneous English interpretation when necessary. Interviewees were informed how the information gathered would be used and told that they could decline the interview or terminate it at any point. No other payments were made to interviewees. Our accounts of specific raids on gatherings are based on multiple interviews with participants and witnesses to the specific incident or, as indicated, on secondary sources that we cross-checked with activists and witnesses directly involved with the incidents.
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Prior to January , many sexual and gender minorities across Indonesia lived with a mix of tolerance and prejudice. While waria —loosely translated as transgender women [2] —have long been a highly visible part of Indonesian social life and cultural fabric, many others found safety in discretion: many LGBT people chose to live without publicly disclosing their sexual orientation or gender identity as a means to protect themselves from discrimination and violence. Indonesian LGBT people and civil society groups had endured sporadic hateful rhetoric and violent attacks over the preceding three decades, [3] including during the Suharto dictatorship from to and in the first decade of post-authoritarian rule.
Nongovernmental organizations focusing on gender, sexuality, health, and human rights were able to register; university professors taught courses that featured discussions of homosexuality; and activists organized public and private events about LGBT rights issues. No national laws specifically protected LGBT against discrimination, but the central government had never criminalized same-sex behavior. That changed in when the rights of Indonesian sexual and gender minorities came under unprecedented attack.
Beginning in January , politicians and government officials began making anti-LGBT public comments, and, once joined by state commissions, militant Islamists, and mainstream religious organizations, the rhetoric grew into a cascade of threats and vitriol against Indonesian sexual and gender minorities. In past decades, militant Islamists had attacked LGBT public activities, in several instances breaking-up or otherwise forcing the cancellation of scheduled events.
And the fear has not abated. I worry: are we laughing too loud? Will a neighbor report us? Will the police find the condoms and accuse us of being gay or prostitutes? Anti-LGBT advocacy by psychiatrists in particular appears to have persisted. On February 16, , Dr. During a meeting with Human Rights Watch on April 12, however, the minister denied any knowledge of Dr.
With nearly 48, new infections a year, UNAIDS in categorized Indonesia as one of the 9 countries among countries reported with an alarming rise in new infections despite increasing investments from donors and the government for its HIV response. According to government and UNAIDS data, in , Indonesia recorded 46, new HIV infections, with the highest number of new infections occurring in three groups: non-key affected population females [26] 33 percent of new infections ; male clients of sex workers Against this backdrop of a worsening epidemic among MSM, data appear to show complex trends: an increasing awareness of HIV among MSM with 65 percent demonstrating comprehensive HIV knowledge in compared to only 25 percent in Similar positive trends in protection measures are observed with condom use, with 79 percent of MSM reporting condom use in the last sexual encounter in compared to 60 percent in However, these data also suggest that MSM still face significant barriers to accessing care.
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Only about 50 percent of MSM have ever tested for HIV, and out of those infected and needing antiretroviral drugs ARV only 9 percent are currently taking the medications. Mathematical modeling conducted by the Ministry of Health in indicated that the number of annual new HIV infections will continue to grow unless further efforts are made to expand program coverage and intervention effectiveness, especially with regard to programs directed towards MSM. Despite these findings by the government, access to services remain difficult for many MSM.
As documented in this report, amid rising intolerance, anti-LGBT moral panic, and increasingly unclear legal protections, outreach workers struggle to salvage their networks of MSM. Access to government-provided health insurance, which is supposedly available to all Indonesian citizens and is a key driver of retention in care, remains difficult for many MSM because it is based on family-unit registration, and many do not want to reveal their identity or HIV status to their family.
Sandeep Nanwani and Clara Siagian wrote in Prevention efforts—such as donor-funded, organization-led outreach—are not sufficiently linked to care, which is often delivered in government-run clinics. In other words, while education and awareness regarding HIV among a stigmatized population such as MSM may be high, fear of non-confidentiality, rejection, and discrimination when attending government clinics remains a barrier to accessing care services.
This practice subsequently changed, in part due to pressure from religious organizations. The coordination and implementation of even largely international donor-funded HIV programs now rest with local governments—exposing LGBT and MSM communities and networks to possible neglect and hostility. Founded in , independent of the Ministry of Health, the NAC functioned as a key coordinating body connecting civil service organizations to state services. In the absence of the NAC, non-government and community-based organizations now need to obtain funding and services from local authorities themselves.
This places a heavy burden on underfunded community healthcare workers responsible for coordinating patient care. One aspect of this structure is that local health systems are guided and regulated by minimum standards set by the Ministry of Health in Jakarta. The Minimum Standards are a set of basic care packages that local governments must deliver to its constituents, including basic antenatal care, TB services, and HIV care. For the first time, in the standards included HIV healthcare service delivery across Indonesia. With MSM not included on the list of those at risk, public health workers and advocates believe it will be more difficult to receive funding and manage operations related to MSM outreach education, testing, and treatment access.
Effective outreach requires close coordination with local health centers who are managed by district governments. With MSM outreach not explicitly named in the minimal standards, district governments have the discretion to no longer fund MSM outreach programs. For example, NGOs seeking to run mobile Voluntary Counseling and Testing VCT need a letter from district authorities before they can enter malls, nightclubs, or other spaces with testing kits. Previously, such credentials were obtained from the NAC. Under the new format, such NGOs will be at the mercy of local government officials without clear guidelines directing officials to issue the credentials.
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The funds are earmarked to support the removal of human rights-related barriers to HIV services. Police in Indonesia apprehended at least LGBT people in —a spike from previous years, where arrests were sporadic, often targeted sexual and gender minorities for reasons other than their sexual orientation or gender identity i. The raids continued in early In some cases, the threats and violence occurred in the presence, and with the tacit consent, of government officials or security forces.
Later in , beginning with a raid on a private residence in Jakarta, and carrying into with multiple raids on homes and other private venues, police became active participants in the anti-LGBT crackdown.
The pattern of the raids suggests an intensifying government crackdown and portends a public health crisis. Some raids were initiated by neighbors or militant Islamist groups who suspected individuals in their vicinity were gay or transgender. Others were undertaken by police units that detected gatherings of sexual and gender minorities via social media announcements or discussions, such as WhatsApp screen shots. Police apprehended and detained 13 men for at least 24 hours, releasing them only after determining that no laws had been broken during the gathering.
On January 19, , police in South Sulawesi province obstructed a group of waria and bugis transgender and gender non-conforming people from participating in a planned sports and cultural event by blocking off the site of the event.
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Police then detained them for several hours in a recreation hall in Soppeng. Police in Surabaya, acting on tip-offs from neighbors, carried out a midnight raid on the Oval Hotel where 14 men had gathered on the evening of April 30, Police detained the group while confiscating condoms, mobile phones, and a flash drive that allegedly contained pornographic videos, among other items. In September , the Surabaya court sentenced seven of them to between 18 months and 30 months in prison, ruling that they were involved in pornographic acts.
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On May 23, Sharia Islamic law authorities in Aceh province flogged two men 83 times in front of a crowd of thousands. During their trial, the prosecutor recommended 80 lashes, 20 shy of the maximum the law permits because the men were young and admitted their guilt. On May 21, police raided the Atlantis Gym, a sauna frequented by gay men in Jakarta, arrested people, and charged 10 for holding an alleged sex party. This was because of how difficult it was for people to express their sexual orientation freely. In some states, being identified as gay meant you could face prison term spanning into several years.
That is not the case today and we are glad. The reality is not that they were more gay escorts in the past. Perhaps, they were just scared of publicly expressing their views. The springing up of gay nightclubs and bars around the country is a testament to the growing number of people that are no longer afraid of expressing their sexual orientation.
Visit one of the LGBT-friendly nightclubs, and you will be amazed by the large crowd they attract. You will certainly find gay male escorts displaying their bodies affectionately.
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It is easy to spot gay escorts in nightclubs because of their flamboyant activities. Rarely will you find gay male escorts sitting on their seats and doing nothing. If they are not teasing the guests with their sexy and loud dance steps, they are going extra with a lap dance, striptease, or sensuous massage in the inner room. A few years ago, when you are looking for gay male escorts, visiting the nightclub was one of your biggest chance of finding one.
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Police released most of those men the same day but continued to detain five employees of the sauna—four men and a woman—and threatened to charge them with violating the Law on Pornography of We offer streaming porn videos, downloadable DVDs, photo albums, and the number 1 free sex community on the net. By completing this transaction you certify that you are 18 years or older and accept our Privacy Policy and Terms and Conditions. Are you sure you don't want to show support to your favorite model and send them a tip? A [national insurance card] can only be obtained through civil registration — either through birth registration or by being included on an official Family Card that lists a permanent physical address.
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