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Observers noted that persons were often selected to run for office or given jobs in particular ministries based on their tribal affiliations. Because tribal areas were still run by patriarchal systems, some tribal leaders reportedly influenced tribal members to vote for certain candidates. Although there were no formal restrictions limiting opposition participation, the government made it difficult for some parties to organize. At year's end the government continued to hold substantial assets of the opposition Yemeni Socialist Party, including land and buildings, which were seized after the civil war.
In the president publicly accused two minor parties of attempting to overthrow the government by fomenting the al-Houthi uprising. The headquarters of the Union for Popular Forces was seized by armed men and the party was forcibly recreated under dubious circumstances. In the government dissolved the al-Haq Party for reportedly violating the Political Parties Law. Women voted and held office; however, increasingly conservative cultural norms rooted in tribal traditions and patriarchal religious interpretation often limited their exercise of these rights.
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There was one woman in the seat parliament. There were three women in the cabinet, including the minister of human rights, the minister of social affairs and labor, and a Supreme Court justice. In the SCER established a Women's Department responsible for addressing gender equality in the electoral process.
The department conducted informational campaigns on the importance and mechanism of voting prior to the elections. In the elections, women ran for and 38 won seats on local and provincial councils. Women's rights activists and female parliamentary candidates accused the ruling party and the authorities of rigging the elections against women.
Many members of the Akhdam community, a small ethnic minority descended from east Africans, did not participate in the political process due to socioeconomic factors and discrimination.
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There were no members of minority groups in parliament or the cabinet. There were no reports that persons with disabilities were prohibited from participating in the political process. The law provides criminal penalties for official corruption; however, the government did not implement the law effectively, and officials frequently engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. The World Bank's Worldwide Governance Indicators reflected that there is a serious corruption problem, and a perception of corruption in every branch and level of government was widespread. Government officials and parliamentarians were presumed to benefit from insider arrangements and embezzlement.
Procurement was a regular source of corruption in the executive branch.
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The cases represented a loss to the treasury of 4. At year's end, of the cases, had been sent to the judiciary for action, and the remaining 28 cases were still under consideration.
COCA's reports were rendered to the parliament but were not accessible to the general public. Only low-ranking officials have been prosecuted for corruption since COCA's inception. The actual number of corruption cases was generally considered to be significantly higher than what was reported by COCA. Petty corruption was widely reported in nearly every government office. Job candidates were often expected to purchase their positions.
Tax inspectors were reported to undervalue their assessments and pocket the difference. Many government officials received salaries for jobs they did not perform or multiple salaries for the same job. In the president ratified an anticorruption law, creating the first Supreme National Authority for Combating Corruption SNACC , a new independent authority to investigate cases of official corruption. The authority includes a council of government, civil society, and private sector representatives. The law requires a degree of transparency and public access to information, and the Press and Publications Law provides for journalists to have some access to government reports and information; in practice the government offered few procedures to ensure transparency.
In parliament passed a law requiring public disclosure of government officials' assets, and the SNACC worked to implement this during the year. The government provided limited information on Internet sites; however, few citizens had access to the Internet. Domestic and international human rights groups operated with varying degrees of government restriction, generally investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases with little constraint. NGOs reported that government officials were not always cooperative and responsive to their views.
This law exempts NGOs from taxes and tariffs and requires the government to provide a reason for denying an NGO registration. However, it also requires that any organization have at least 41 members in order to continue operations and forbids them from involvement in political activities. Domestic human rights NGOs operated throughout the year. Although progovernment NGOs were supported by the government or ruling party, others were clearly supported by opposition parties or were fully independent.
Some ministries reportedly harassed NGOs critical of the government by delaying the procedures required for annual registration and licensing and through bureaucratic funding criteria. The group received a temporary two-year license from the government during the year. The government requires NGOs to register annually or be declared illegal.
However, NGOs that were not granted licenses continued to operate during the year. WJWC did not receive a license during the year. In some instances the government reportedly registered a progovernment clone version of an NGO, recognizing the clone as the legitimate NGO, thereby preventing the original NGO from renewing its registration under its original name.
In such cases registration applications must be refiled under a new name. The government reportedly did not process some registration applications and placed unofficial freezes on new licenses ahead of the September by-elections. The government monitored NGO finances.
The government reportedly used financial reviews as a pretext to harass or close NGOs, and some NGOs allegedly kept less than transparent records.
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ICRC also carried out humanitarian missions in Saada to support displaced populations during the war. ICRC did not face governmental restrictions in providing humanitarian assistance; however, because of the dangerous security situation in Saada, it was unable to respond to emergencies in an adequate manner. The MOHR attempted to raise awareness of human rights via public information campaigns, training of civil society organizations in how to prepare reports, and participation in numerous conferences in cooperation with NGOs.
The MOHR also donated computers to orphanages and juvenile centers during the year. The MOHR also succeeded in having the country ratify the Arab Charter on Human Rights and presented several regular reports regarding its international commitments, such as a report on economic, social and cultural rights, and an antiviolence report. During the year the parliament's committee on human rights was largely inactive, as was the consultative council's committee on human rights.
The law provides for equal rights and equal opportunity for all citizens; however, the government did not effectively enforce the law. Discrimination based on race, gender, and disability remained a serious problem. Entrenched patriarchal cultural attitudes limited women's ability to access equal rights.
The law criminalizes rape, but the government did not effectively enforce the law. The punishment for rape is imprisonment for up to 15 years; however, by year's end, this had not been imposed in any rape case. The rape victim was often prosecuted on charges of fornication after the perpetrator was set free. According to the law, the accused must confess or the defense needs to provide four female or two male witnesses to the crime.
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The government has yet to introduce DNA technology to criminal rape cases, and without witnesses cases were difficult to prosecute. Rape cases were also often hindered by excessive corruption. A leading local women's rights organization asserted that the judicial system fails to bring justice to victims of rape.
According to the law, a woman may not refuse sexual relations with her husband; accordingly, spousal rape is not criminalized. There are no reliable statistics on the number of rapes. Most women do not come forward, often remaining silent in fear of shaming the family and incurring violent retaliation. The rape case of Anisa al-Shuaibi was ongoing at year's end. During the year al-Shuaibi claimed she was attacked by unidentified assailants who threw stones at her. She was also offered a bribe to drop her case.
Al-Shuaibi continued to receive threats on her life and those of her children at year's end. In April a judge convicted one of her three assailants, whose prison sentence was postponed. At year's end an appeals process was ongoing.
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The CID detained Al-Shuaibi in with her two children and charged her with the kidnapping and murder of her husband, who was later found alive. According to her lawyers, al-Shuaibi was detained illegally for 38 days in a CID jail, where she was raped and tortured by two high-level CID officers. The law provides women with protection against violence; however, the law was rarely enforced. Although spousal abuse occurred, it generally was undocumented.
Violence against women and children was considered a family affair and usually went unreported to the police. Due to social norms and customs, an abused woman was expected to take her complaint to a male relative rather than to the authorities to intercede on her behalf or provide her sanctuary, to avoid making the abuse public and shaming the family.
A small shelter for battered women in Aden assisted victims, and telephone hotlines operated with moderate success in Aden and Sanaa. The MOHR announced in April it was launching a nationwide hotline to receive complaints on abuses of human rights; it was unclear how many domestic violence cases the MOHR hotline received. Hotline service was interrupted due to technical difficulties, but the MOHR reported work was under way to reactivate it as of the end of year.
The press, women's rights activists, and the MOHR continued to investigate and report on violations of women's rights. During the year NGOs sponsored several women's rights conferences dealing with issues such as violence against women, increasing the political representation of women, and economic empowerment. The penal code allows leniency for persons guilty of committing a "crime against honor," a violent assault or killing committed against females for perceived immodest or defiant behavior. However, the law does not address other types of honor crimes, including beatings, forced isolation, imprisonment, forced early marriage, and deprivation of education.
Legal provisions regarding violence against women state that a convicted man should be put to death for killing a woman. However, a husband who kills his wife and her lover may be fined or imprisoned for one year or less. In June a government report disclosed 2, cases in of violence against women.
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- Global, Regional, and Local Dynamics in the Yemen Crisis | SpringerLink.