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Beginning in January , however, a series of anti-LGBT public comments by government officials grew into a cascade of threats and vitriol against LGBT Indonesians by state commissions, militant Islamists, and mainstream religious organizations. That outpouring of intolerance has resulted in proposals of laws which pose a serious long-term threat to the rights and safety of LGBT Indonesians.
He then backtracked on Twitter—but it was too little, too late. In a nuclear war, if a bomb is dropped over Jakarta, Semarang will not be affected—but in a proxy war, everything we know could disappear in an instant—it's dangerous. Mainstream mass religious groups and non-governmental organizations joined the anti-LGBT chorus. Within three months the cacophony had died down, and the moral panic subsided, but the repercussions continue to be felt by LGBT people in Indonesia.
In some cases the threats and violence occurred in the presence, and with the tacit consent, of government officials or security forces. In past decades, militant Islamists have attacked LGBT public activities, in several instances breaking-up or otherwise forcing the cancellation of scheduled events. Activists say they cannot trust police to protect them when they face such orchestrated intimidation or violence.
The situation in Aceh province has been particularly bad. Across the country prior to January , many Indonesian sexual and gender minorities lived with a mix of tolerance and prejudice. Discretion purchased safety: many LGBT people chose to live without publicly disclosing their sexual orientation or gender identity as a means to protect them from discrimination or violence.
But in early , the combination of government officials, militant Islamists, and mass religious groups stoking anti-LGBT intolerance led to immediate deterioration of the human rights of LGBT individuals. While activists have remained steadfastly committed to protecting their constituents and continuing their work, the government has failed to uphold its international human rights commitments.
Instead, government officials have fanned the flames of hatred and intolerance, and institutionalized anti-LGBT prejudice through decrees and legislative proposals. The LGBT community is not the only minority population to have come under attack in Indonesia in recent years. As documented by Indonesian rights groups, Human Rights Watch, and others, religious minority groups have experienced a steady uptick in harassment, intimidation, and violence at the hands of militant Islamists.
The path forward will require leadership from the Indonesian government.
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Instead of slurring LGBT people, government officials should make and enforce public pledges to protect all Indonesians from violence and discrimination. Government commission decrees based on false information should be rescinded. And authorities should commit to protecting gatherings of LGBT human rights activists, including by holding security forces accountable when they abdicate those responsibilities in the face of threats from militant Islamists. Human Rights Watch conducted research for this report between September and June , including 70 in-depth interviews with sexual and gender minorities and human rights activists in Jakarta, Yogyakarta, cities in South Sulawesi, cities in Sumatra, and cities in Aceh.
This included interviews with 17 waria or transgender women , eight transgender men, 13 lesbians, 13 gay men, and one bisexual man. In some cases, we have withheld the location of interviews and other potentially identifying characteristics of interviewees for security purposes.
Interviews were conducted in English and Bahasa Indonesia, with simultaneous English interpretation. Interviewees were informed of how the information gathered would be used, and informed that they could decline the interview or terminate it at any point.
Executive Summary
No other payments were made to interviewees. Information presented in this report on specific violent attacks on gatherings is based on multiple interviews with participants and witnesses to the specific incident or, as indicated, on secondary sources that we cross-checked with activists and witnesses. Sexual and gender minorities in Indonesia, including waria [1] and people who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender, have lived in a climate of relative tolerance, based on discretion.
One of the earliest groups to form was Lambda Indonesia, launched in March In Southeast Asian culture it is considered more impolite to make such comments, than for somebody like me, a gay man, to be speaking in a public function. But as the movement grew, some feared that an enhanced public profile could also increase the risk of attack.
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Even during relatively stable periods, the Indonesian government tempered its engagement with LGBT civil society groups. This often occurred as the result of pressure from religious organizations. Oetomo wrote in But they quickly regretted what they had done because they were blasted by…Muslim religious leaders, by some of the Christian leaders and by the middle classes.
Increasingly we lost the support of the Indonesian Ministry of Health. It's got to the point where the Indonesian National AIDS Commission has informally discouraged funding agencies from funding gay-related projects. Spates of politicized homophobia included attacks on waria gatherings and LGBT events by hardliner Islamist groups who framed LGBT people and their human rights activism as a threat to Islam, Indonesian nationhood, or both. For Oetomo and others, visibility has both gained LGBT human rights defenders support among progressive movements in Indonesia with whom they have allied, and exacerbated the risks they face.
Most of the well-documented threats and outright acts of violence against LGBT populations in recent decades have been carried out by religious fundamentalist groups who target gatherings of LGBT people and activists [8] ; these groups have not historically attacked individuals based on real or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity. They are panicked about ideas they associate with us—like same-sex marriage. In perhaps the most emblematic example of a state protection failure at a gathering, the International Lesbian and Gay Association ILGA Asian regional congress in Surabaya was dispersed by police under pressure from militant Islamist groups.
Within hours of the small meetings beginning, surveillance teams of university students reported that up to eight Islamic organizations—including some with a history of vigilante violence—were planning to visit the venue. ILGA cancelled the workshops and evacuated participants. That same year, Islamist groups threatened to set fire to a Jakarta venue for the Q! In Yogyakarta that same month, her book launch ended after another Islamist radical group, Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia Indonesian Mujahedeen Council , launched an attack that left a number of audience members injured.
Each of these incidents, while publicly claimed by hardliners as victories for religion and nation, involved the tacit endorsement—through actions and omissions—of Indonesian authorities. In cases when activists and legal aid lawyers pressed authorities to investigate violent incidents, often only lackluster investigations were carried out and, to our knowledge, no one was identified and held to account for any of the incidents.
The same is true of more recent threats and attacks. For example, activists explained that in Yogyakarta a gathering to commemorate the Transgender Day of Remembrance was attacked by assailants from an unidentified religious extremist group; four participants were injured, two of whom had to seek treatment at a hospital.
After her husband had made sure that she had nothing more to sell he told her that he would be obliged to look for a substitute. Rejoining the dating world in January , he vowed to lose his virginity to a woman — which he did in April of this year. Serat Centhini also says that there was once a thriving brothel near the royal tomb of Imogiri. A standard workweek is 48 hours, but it may be extended to 60 hours, subject to the payment of an overtime allowance that is double the basic wage. Resources, inspections, and remediation were adequate, and penalties were sufficient to deter violations. In so doing she could receive free of charge, several magazines and also get in touch with those of her contemporaries with whom she was sharing common views, especially other women writers like Mrs The Tiang Ek and Hong Le Hoa. If you're looking for more exciting options, read our guide on gay adventure cruises!
The Yogyakarta Legal Aid Institute LBH Yogyakarta pursued the complaint with regional police, but struggled to get a response or any information that an active investigation was underway. Indonesia has never criminalized same-sex sexual behavior in national laws. In some regions de-centralization has resulted in some local officials passing by-laws that target and impinge on the fundamental rights of LGBT people. Local laws that discriminate against people on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity should be seen in the context of a broader pattern of Sharia-inspired local ordinances in recent years.
Either they bring in cash, or they create patronage opportunities, or politicians think that they are popular, and that they will help in re-election campaigns. In other words, as the government officially decentralized, so too did patronage politics and political corruption, with more opportunities for local officials to dip into government revenue flows or extract side payments from residents.
Discriminatory Local Laws
And because local political parties were weak following decades of brutal dictatorship, local political elites in many places saw an opportunity in supporting the adoption of religious ordinances, both to be seen as pillars of morality, helping them win local elections, and to garner financial support. LGBT activists in regions with Sharia by-laws told Human Rights Watch that the provisions—even if they did not specifically mention homosexuality—empowered religious extremist groups in the area, giving them more political power and the sense that they could attack minorities with impunity.
Even if we want to hold a small gathering of waria for HIV education or something, we know the FPI will show up and harass us.
If we wanted to do that, we would need the permission of the FPI. In , the Minister of Home Affairs, Tjahjo Kumolo, offered some false hope that the administration was going to repeal those local ordinances that violated the constitution. We do not interfere with regulations based on Islamic Sharia. The strong reaction against LGBT people as a perceived threat to the nation may have come as a surprise but did not take place in a vacuum.
There's an increasing attempt by some groups to try to enforce morality by the state which is something we haven't seen before in Indonesia. Nationalistic fervor opens space for the slurring of minorities as a way of gaining popular attention.
Such actions are in part made possible by discriminatory laws and regulations, including a blasphemy law that officially recognizes only six religions, and house of worship decrees that give local majority populations significant leverage over religious minority communities. Aceh enjoys relative autonomy from the central government as a Special Administrative Region, including a semi-independent legal system.
Among other things, the bylaw criminalizes consensual same-sex sexual acts as well as all zina sexual relations outside of marriage. It prohibits liwath sodomy and musahaqah lesbianism , and permits as punishment up to lashes and up to months in prison for consensual same-sex sex acts. The Sharia provisions in Aceh are enforced primarily by municipal Sharia police, or Wilayatul Hisbah known by their acronym, WH , and also by neighbors and community members, who are empowered by provisions of the law to act against suspected violators.
Some of the photographs displayed to them had been taken by WH officers during prior sweeps and arrests. Others appeared to have been taken directly from social media, including Facebook. One of the photos was of a close friend of theirs, and on seeing it they inadvertently reacted with body language that made WH officers suspicious. The claims that the LGBT population is rapidly growing and that activists are corrupting children through information disseminated by social media reflects common misconceptions about LGBT people in Indonesia.
But if the overall tone of the article was not surprising, the details demonstrated its potential for real harm. By March 20, within a period of just two months, 17 officials and government bodies across the country had issued statements condemning LGBT people, human rights campaigning on behalf of LGBT people, or both.
In the preceding months there were other lower-profile statements and actions against LGBT people.
For example, in November , Brawijaya University authorities cancelled an LGBT-themed event, claiming they had received threats of an attack from unnamed sources.