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He was given a one-year suspended sentence and another year of probation. The 10 most popular television stations were owned by businessmen whose primary business was not in media. Independent media had difficulty competing with major outlets that operated with oligarchic subsidies. There were reports of continuing state pressure on the National Public Broadcasting Company UA:PBC , created as a result of a law to provide an independent publicly funded alternative to oligarch-controlled television channels. Observers alleged the decision was made because the channel broadcast anticorruption investigations in the pre-electoral period that had been unflattering to then president Petro Poroshenko.
Following public outcry, the board announced Alasania would remain in place until May 6. Alasania was reinstated in his position on July 1. Monitoring by the IMI of national print and online media for jeansa indicated a wide range of actors ordered political jeansa, including political parties, politicians, oblast governments, and oligarchs.
The IMI recorded a 22 percent increase of jeansa in the national online media before the parliamentary elections in 13 popular internet media outlets. Violence and Harassment : Violence against journalists remained a problem.
Human rights groups and journalists criticized what they saw as government inaction in solving the crimes as giving rise to a culture of impunity. According to the IMI, as of September 1, there had been 20 reports of attacks on journalists, including one killing during the year, compared with 22 cases and no killings during the same period in As in , private, rather than state, actors perpetrated the majority of the attacks. As of September 1, there were 33 incidents involving threats against journalists, as compared with 24 during the same period in The IMI and editors of major independent news outlets also noted online harassment of journalists by societal actors, reflecting a growing societal intolerance of reporting deemed insufficiently patriotic, a development they asserted had the tacit support of the government.
There were multiple reports of attacks on journalists by government officials. For example, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, on March 6, officials in the village of Chabany near Kyiv attacked Radio Liberty investigative reporter Kateryna Kaplyuk and cameraman Borys Trotsenko, leaving Trotsenko with a concussion and breaking his camera.
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The journalists were attempting to interview a village official for an investigation into allegations that officials were allocating state lands for private use, when a group of people that included two deputy mayors of the village, Yuriy Bondar and Volodymyr Chuprin, began shoving and punching them. They filed a police report, and police began an investigation, but no charges had been brought as of November.
There were reports of attacks on journalists by nongovernment actors. For example, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, on August 30 in Chernihiv, two unidentified individuals attacked blogger Ihor Stakh.
Stakh was later treated for a concussion and required stitches for a cut on his face. Stakh reported receiving threats before the attack. Police opened an investigation but as of November had made no arrests.
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On July 13, according to press reports, an unknown attacker fired a rocket-propelled grenade at the Kyiv office of pro-Russian television news broadcaster Ukraine, damaging the building but causing no injuries. There were allegations that the government prosecuted journalists in retaliation for their work see section 1. There were reports that government officials sought to pressure journalists through the judicial system, often to reveal their sources in investigations. Prosecutors were seeking to identify a source who spoke to the Nov o y e Vremya for a story revealing corruption by a high-ranking prosecutor, alleging that the source violated investigatory secrecy rules.
Journalists received threats in connection with their reporting.
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The journalists filed a complaint with law enforcement authorities. On December 12, police arrested five suspects in the killing of well-known Belarusian-Russian journalist Pavel Sheremet see section 1. Censorship or Content Restrictions : Human rights organizations frequently criticized the government for taking an overly broad approach to banning books, television shows, websites, and other content see subsections on National Security and Internet Freedom. As of July the list contained titles.
Both independent and state-owned media periodically engaged in self-censorship when reporting stories that might expose political allies to criticism or might be perceived by the public as insufficiently patriotic or provide information that could be used for Russian propaganda. While the law limits the monetary damages a plaintiff can claim in a lawsuit, local media observers continued to express concern over high monetary damages awarded for alleged libel.
National Security : In the context of the continuing conventional conflict in the Donbas, as well as continuing Russian disinformation and cyber campaigns, authorities took measures to prohibit, regulate, and occasionally censor information deemed a national security threat, particularly those emanating from Russia and promoting pro-Russian lines. The government continued the practice of banning specific works by Russian actors, film directors, and singers, as well as imposing sanctions on pro-Russian journalists. According to the State Film Agency, as of mid-September approximately films and television shows had been banned on national security grounds since There were reports that the government used noncompliance with national security-related content bans to pressure outlets perceived as having a pro-Russian editorial policy.
On July 8, NewsOne announced that it had cancelled a planned July 12 joint live television program with the state-owned Russian television channel Rossiya 24, which is banned in the country, because of threats of violence. Additional details cannot be revealed because of secrecy. On September 26, Derzhkomteleradio ruled that five affiliated media companies of pro-Russian Channel TV violated their license conditions by changing their program concepts without required approvals.
As a result of the decision, Channel TV could not be broadcast by digital terrestrial signal in the country, but it was still available on satellite and cable networks. There were no reported attempts at enforcing these bans. Media professionals continued to experience pressure from the SBU, the military, and other officials when reporting on sensitive issues, such as military losses.
For example, on November 6, the Joint Forces Operation JFO headquarters refused to accredit photo correspondent Maks Levin because of his reporting from the area of disengagement near Zolote, which the headquarters claimed violated the rules on reporting in the area of JFO in unspecified ways. Authorities continued to deport and bar entry to foreign journalists on national security grounds. Nongovernmental Impact : There were reports that radical groups committed attacks on journalists.
For example, according to press reports, on July 30, approximately a dozen members of the radical group Tradition and Order broke down the door of the state-run Ukrinform news agency in Kyiv and disrupted a press conference by parliamentary candidates who were alleging fraud in the July parliamentary election.
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They attacked and injured three Ukrinform staff members and poured water and threw eggs around the room. Police opened a criminal investigation into the incident, but as of November no arrests had been made. Human rights defenders maintained that the charges were baseless and brought in retaliation for his independent reporting on events in territory controlled by Russia-led forces.
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Aseyev was released December 29 as part of a Ukraine-Russia prisoner and detainee exchange. On March 19, then president Poroshenko endorsed new sanctions approved by the National Security and Defense Council that, among other things, extended sanctions on the Russian company Yandex and its services until Ukrainian internet providers continued to block websites at government demand based on national security concerns.
Of these deaths, nine were in government territory, and nine were in territory controlled by armed groups. In July an unknown person poured concentrated sulfuric acid on Handziuk, resulting in serious chemical burns to more than a third of her body. Censorship or Content Restrictions : Human rights organizations frequently criticized the government for taking an overly broad approach to banning books, television shows, websites, and other content see subsections on National Security and Internet Freedom. This person has the right, unilaterally and without any explanation, to correct the report, to remove any of its elements or to prohibit its publication entirely. The rest of the army crossed Vorskla river at night June 20th. It was emphasized that the UK authorities together with the US and Sweden had been behind the campaign of intimidation and defamation against Mr. As of mid-August, the HRMMU had documented 11 cases of arbitrary detention in the context of conscription into the armed forces.
On February 11, the SBU announced that it intended to block websites that promote Russian interests in the country. As of October, sites were blocked in the country. On July 22, the National Security and Defense Council announced it would continue the policy of blocking Russian social networks. Free speech advocates expressed concern that courts began to block access to websites on grounds other than national security. For example, on July 23, a Kyiv court ruled to block access to 18 websites, including blogging platform enigma.
The owner of enigma. There were reports of the disclosure of personally identifiable information of persons to penalize expression of opinions. On December 10, the database announced it was shutting down its servers to public access, but it noted some officials would continue to have access. There were reports of cyberattacks on journalists who reported on corruption. For example, according to the Institute for Mass Information, for several weeks in February and March, journalists with the investigative anticorruption television program Schemes reported repeated attempts to hack their social network and messenger accounts.
In its annual Freedom on the Net report published in November, Freedom House concluded that internet freedom had improved very slightly after two years of decline.
Implementation of these blocks, however, was lax on both sides, and the digital environment is otherwise vibrant, despite efforts by political actors to manipulate debates through disinformation and paid content. These efforts intensified ahead of the presidential election, held in March and April. Arrests of users were commonplace, primarily as an extension of continuing hostilities between the government in Kyiv and Russian-led forces, as were attacks against online journalists.
Adding to these challenges, persistent cyberattacks continued to constrain internet freedom. There were reports that the government prosecuted individuals for their posts on social media. For example, according to press reports, on April 16, the SBU searched the home of a man in Odesa, whom they alleged had written posts supporting Russia-led forces in eastern Ukraine on social media, and seized computer equipment, mobile devices, and material with banned communist symbols.
There were reports the government investigated academic personnel for their research. The government maintained a list of Russian or pro-Russian musicians, actors, and other cultural figures that it prohibited from entering the country on national security grounds.